Monday, January 27, 2014

Christian Anarchism: The Historical Thesis

The Historical Thesis

To see the bad fruits of power is an important connection to make with those who have a white-knuckle grip on both the cross and the flag.
-Shane Claiborne and Chris Haw
1


The second strand of the Christian Anarchist argument is historical. It presents the early church as a counter-cultural movement with a distinct, anti-empire identity. It relies heavily on the premise of the Constantinian shift and presents the historical interaction of the church with political power as a betrayal of Jesus' teachings, always involving compromise, hypocrisy and corruption, and always resulting in the suffering of the people. While it can be criticised as an unsophisticated argument, its audience has not usually been the theologically literate, but rather the many Christians who have not considered any discrepancy between the behaviour of an apparently Christian state and the teachings of Jesus.

Since the 1950s the target audience for Christian Anarchist writing, and criticism of Church-State interactions, has usually been church-going Christians from the United States of America.2 Richard A. Horsley's Jesus and Empire opens with the dictum that the USA has an 'ambiguous identity'.3
The formation of the United States had two conflicting narratives – the birth of a New Jerusalem, and the founding of a New Roman Republic. Horsley concludes that throughout its history, the United States of America has been the New Rome- 'the republic that built an empire'4 rather than the New Jerusalem – 'a just political-economic order.'5 This picture illustrates not only a North American phenomenon, but a conflict that is inherent in the concept of any 'Christian country'. It also summarises perfectly the crisis of Christian identity that Christian Anarchist writers have spoken into.

The Early Church
The Christian Anarchists idealise the early church as a time before corruption and compromise, when followers of Jesus had a strong political identity6. It is held up as a model to be emulated, and Christian Anarchist communities are often built on what are understood to be early church principles7. Jonathan Bartley indicates that, while early church communities differed greatly on matters of doctrine, “there was far greater agreement in their behaviour, including their approach to political authority”8. The early church was a movement defined by its politics, far more than anything else. This is unsurprising, as theology and politics were not separate matters for the first century mind. They were one and the same for the Romans as much as for the Christians. Caesar was a god, saviour and victor. The empire itself was divine. So the Christians' alternative theology had political ramifications9. The first creed “Jesus is Lord” is both a political and theological statement – a rebellious subversion of the oath of allegiance “Caesar is Lord”10. Even the language used for the church - the ekklesia11 of Christ - deliberately challenged the political assemblies who swore loyalty to Caesar.12

The price for living out their new politico-theological beliefs - specifically, refusing to burn incense and swear to the Emperor - was persecution. The strength of the early church's political convictions, even to death, is an attractive feature for Christian Anarchists today, as it was for the first century witnesses who inspired Tertullian's famous dictum: “The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church.”13 In martyrdom, the early Christians identified with Jesus dying at the hands of Roman oppressors. Jonathan Bartley states: "By following in Jesus' footsteps and dying at the hands of the state, the early Christians too were confronting the old regime with the new one they proclaimed.”14

The early Christians understood themselves as having a new citizenship and belonging to another kingdom. This is most clearly evident in Tertullian's thinking, referring to baptism as 'an oath of allegiance'15, describing the new citizenship of Christians in his 'Letter to Diognetus'16, and describing the flag as “hostile to Christ”.17 Christopher Rowland summarises:
Emerging Christianity before the fourth century CE was characterised by such a counter-cultural, even sectarian, spirit. At the heart of the baptismal experience was the clear message of a transfer from one dominion to another, involving the acceptance of Jesus Christ as king of kings and lord of lords.18

While Tertullian's apologias to Roman officials aim to show that Christians can be good citizens, he is clear throughout that this is not due to their allegiance to Caesar, but their obedience towards God.19 Similarly, Clement of Alexandria: “If you enroll as one of God’s people, heaven is your country and God your lawgiver.”20

It is clear from early apologias that the politics inherent in the new Christian identity led people to leave their jobs21. Converts were leaving military and governmental posts, feeling either a general conflict of allegiance, or refusing to commit sin by using violence in specific circumstances. By 215, certain occupations were disallowed by Hippolytus:
A military man in authority must not execute men. If he is ordered, he must not carry it out. Nor must he take military oath. If he refuses, he shall be rejected. If someone is a military governor, or the ruler of a city who wears the purple, he shall cease or he shall be rejected. The catechumen or faithful who wants to become a soldier is to be rejected, for he has despised God. 22

It seems that military service was a particularly controversial subject. Maximillian of Numidia and Marcellus of Tangier are remembered for their martyrdom following a rejection of their military oaths. Martin of Tours is celebrated for leaving his position in the Roman military, declaring: “I am a soldier of Christ. I cannot fight.”



While this seems to make a case that the early Christians were 'anarchist', any understanding of the early church is based on material from the Early Fathers, and Christian Anarchist writers need to make more careful use of such sources. Claiborne and Haw rely heavily on Eberhard Arnold's The Early Christians in Their Own Words23 including the following quotation from Justin's Dialogue with Trypho. “With this call [God] has roused us all, and now we have left the state. We have renounced all the things the world offers.”24 This is strong evidence for the case that the early church could be considered anarchist, but it depends on a very unusual translation. Thomas Falls translates that same text: “We have abandoned our former way of life in which we used to practice evils common to the rest of the world.”25 Likewise, Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson's version reads: “We have left already the way of living in which we used to spend our days, passing our time in evil after the fashions of the other inhabitants of the earth.”26 There is mention whatsoever of 'state' or power or politics in the surrounding text. This is a rather exaggerated example of how these ancient texts, taken out of context, could be slaved to any cause.

Another popular Christian Anarchist picture is painted from the Romans' view of the Christians:
Minucius Felix's Octavia reads: “The Christians form among themselves secret societies that exist outside the system of laws... an obscure and mysterious community founded on revolt and the advantage that accrues from it.”27 This creates an image of the early church as a politically subversive rebellion but the apologias were written precisely to dispel such ideas. Far from being agitators, efforts were made to show that Christians obeyed the laws of the land, and could happily co-exist with the empire28.

It is also significant that it was not only soldiers and governors who left their professions upon conversion. Hippolytus also disallowed teachers and actors.29 As neither of these jobs relate directly to government or politics it seems that the Christians' objections may have been on different grounds. Tertullian answers the question of whether, like Joseph or Daniel, Christians may serve political masters, saying: “we can render service even 'to magistrates and powers', after the example of the patriarchs ant the other forefathers, who obeyed idolatrous kings up to the confines of idolatry.”30 It seems as though religious worship was the key issue. In a society where religion was so integrated into public life, Christians naturally had to remove themselves from certain professions, even teaching. Likewise, in De corona militis, Tertullian defends the case of a Christian soldier in the Roman army who was arrested, not for refusing service, but for refusing to wear the garland at a ceremony because of its pagan connotations.31 Idolatry is the issue here, not power or governance.


Tertullian however makes an aside “as to the unlawfulness even of a military life itself”32. Aside from pagan ceremonies, a number of problems with military service are identified including swearing oaths to another master than Christ, renouncing family and using the sword against the teaching of Matthew 26:52. “Sons of peace” should not do battle - they won't even sue people.33 Having recognised the moral problems inherent for Christians in military service, Tertullian ultimately takes a pragmatic approach, advising that it be abandoned to avoid 'all kinds of quibbling'34.

On the face of it, the early Christians seem not to object to Roman rule per se35, nor do they object to participating in the system by serving magistrates. Rather, they are avoiding those public tasks which would cause them to contravene their new standards as Christians. The early Christian emphasis was on the specific issues of force and idolatry. Christian Anarchist writers shift the emphasis on to the political system itself. To be clear, it is significant to Christian Anarchism that early Christians refused to work as soldiers or magistrates and that they refused to take part in the use of 'the sword'.36 The case would be strengthened, however, if these instances were read in context and not skewed so as to appear deliberately misleading.

There is a question of whether the political ethics of the early church should be considered situational or universal. How much does their refusal to participate depend on the particular character of Roman government, and how much on the idea of government itself? It seems natural that the Christians eschewed power, when that power was associated with religious veneration of the emperor as a God, or when it depended on the shock-and-awe violence of Roman expansion. How much can the same standards be applied to post-war europe's politics of welfare?


1Shane Claiborne and Chris Haw. Jesus for President: Politics for Ordinary Radicals. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 2008. Pg 182
2This largely began with writings from The Catholic Worker movement in the USA.
3Richard A. Horsley Jesus and Empire: The Kingdom of God and the New World Disorder. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003. Pg 1
4Richard A. Horsley Jesus and Empire: The Kingdom of God and the New World Disorder. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003. Pg 147
5Richard A. Horsley Jesus and Empire: The Kingdom of God and the New World Disorder. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003. Pg 2
6Notably, this view is not shared by Tolstoy, who saw the early Christians as largely ignorant of Christ's true teaching “as we see by the Gospels and the Acts.” Leo Tolstoy. The Kingdom of God is Within You. Translated by Constance Garnet. Kansas: Digireads, 2005. Pg 31-32
7For example, in the past: the Waldensians; True Levellers; Anabaptists. In more recent times: Dilaram; Catholic Worker hospitality houses; the Simple Way.
8Jonathan Bartley. Faith and Politics after Christendom: The Church as a Movement for Anarchy. Milton Keynes: Paternoster Press, 2006. Pg 29
9Claiborne and Haw state: “They no longer had any faith in the state as savior of the world.” Shane Claiborne and Chris Haw. Jesus for President: Politics for Ordinary Radicals. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 2008. Pg 141
10We have seen other political titles used for Christ in the New Testament. Another notable text for this is the Martyrdom of Polycarp, particularly 8:2.
11Ἐκκλησία
12Some have stated that these parallel uses of language between the church and the empire should not be read as deliberately political. It is simply a case of re-using the available language. (Notably, Seyoon Kim. Christ and Caesar. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm B Eerdmans Publishing Co, 2008.) In the instance of the creed however, this explanation is clearly unsatisfactory when people risked their lives in stating that anyone other than Caesar was Lord. Note also Origen's direct comparison of the Christian assembly with the district council assembly in Contra Celsus III:30
13Apologeticus, 50:13
14Jonathan Bartley. Faith and Politics after Christendom: The Church as a Movement for Anarchy. Milton Keynes: Paternoster Press, 2006. Pg 27 Also Gregory A. Boyd: “Their general relationship with the kingdom of the world replicated that of Jesus.” Gregory A. Boyd The Myth of a Christian Nation. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 2005. Pg 76.
15This is Bartley's argument, based on the fact that Tertullian is the first writer to translate the Greek mysterion into the Latin sacramentum. Jonathan Bartley. Faith and Politics after Christendom: The Church as a Movement for Anarchy. Milton Keynes: Paternoster Press, 2006. Pg 19
16Cited in Jonathan Bartley. Faith and Politics after Christendom: The Church as a Movement for Anarchy. Milton Keynes: Paternoster Press, 2006. Pg 19
17Tertullian. De corona. http://www.tertullian.org/anf/anf03/anf03-10.htm (accessed 04/09/12) Chapter 11
18Christopher Rowland. ‘Scripture: New Testament’ in Scott, Peter and William T. Cavanaugh, eds. The Blackwell Companion to Political Theology. Oxford, England: Blackwell Publishing, 2004. pg 23
19“In all our prayers are ever mindful of all our emperors and kings wheresoever we live, beseeching God for every one of them without distinction, that He would bless them with length of days and a quiet reign.”
Tertullian.
Apologia. Chapter 92.
http://www.tertullian.org/articles/reeve_apology.htm
(accessed 04/09/12)
20Clement of Alexandria. Exhortation to the Heathen. http://www.earlychristianwritings.com/text/clement-exhortation.html (accessed 05/09/12) Chapter 10
21Hippolytus of Rome. Apostolic Tradition. c.215 Chapter 16http://www.bombaxo.com/hippolytus.html
(accessed 07/09/12)
and
Tertullian. De idolatria.http://www.tertullian.org/anf/anf03/anf03-07.htm
(accessed 04/09/12) Chapter 17
22Hippolytus of Rome. Apostolic Tradition. c.215 Chapter 16:9-11http://www.bombaxo.com/hippolytus.html
(accessed 07/09/12)
23Eberhard Arnold. The Early Christians in Their Own Words. Rifton, New York: The Plough Publishing House, 2011.
http://data.plough.com/ebooks/EarlyChristians.pdf
(accessed 05/09/12)
24Shane Claiborne and Chris Haw. Jesus for President: Politics for Ordinary Radicals. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 2008. Pg 143
25Justin. The Dialogue with Trypho. Translated by Thomas Falls.http://www.bombaxo.com/trypho.html (accessed 14/09/12)
26Justin. The Dialogue with Trypho. Translated by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson.
http://www.earlychristianwritings.com/text/justinmartyr-dialoguetrypho.html
(accessed 14/09/12)
Also, Philip Sheff: “W
e have left already the way of living in which we used to spend our days, passing our time in evil after the fashions of the other inhabitants of the earth.” Justin. The Dialogue with Trypho. Translated by Philip Shaff. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/anf01.viii.iv.cxix.html
(accessed 14/09/12)
Another unusual translation is from Apologia Chapter 21. Arnold translates “Emperors could only believe in Christ if they were not emperors – as if Christians could ever be emperors” (Claiborne and Haw Pg. 162, Arnold Pg. 16), what Reeve translates: “and the Caesars had been Christians too, could the ages have borne it, if either such Caesars had not been necessary and unavoidable in such times, or could Christians have come to be Caesars.” (http://www.tertullian.org/articles/reeve_apology.htm) As we can see, Arnold's text has almost the opposite meaning of Reeve's.
27Shane Claiborne and Chris Haw. Jesus for President: Politics for Ordinary Radicals. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 2008. Pg 142.
28Mathetes. Epistle to Diognetus. Chapter 5
http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0101.htm
(accessed 11/09/12)
also
Origen.
Contra Celsus. Chapter 3
http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0416.htm
(accessed 15/09/12)
29“If someone is an actor or does shows in the theater, either he shall cease or he shall be rejected. If someone teaches children (worldly knowledge), it is good that he cease. But if he has no (other) trade, let
him be permitted.”
Hippolytus of Rome.
Apostolic Tradition. c.215 Chapter 16:4-5http://www.bombaxo.com/hippolytus.html
(accessed 07/09/12)
30Tertullian. De idolatria. Chapter 17
http://www.tertullian.org/anf/anf03/anf03-07.htm
(accessed 04/09/12)
31Tertullian, De corona. c. 211
http://www.tertullian.org/anf/anf03/anf03-10.htm
(accessed 04/09/12)
32Tertullian, De corona. Chapter 11.
33Tertullian, De corona. Chapter 11.
34Of course, if faith comes later, and finds any preoccupied with military service, their case is different, as in the instance of those whom John used to receive for baptism, and of those most faithful centurions, I mean the centurion whom Christ approves, and the centurion whom Peter instructs; yet, at the same time, when a man has become a believer, and faith has been sealed, there must be either an immediate abandonment of it, which has been the course with many; or all sorts of quibbling will have to be resorted to in order to avoid offending God, and that is not allowed even outside of military service.
Tertullian,
De corona. Chapter 11.
35Understanding themselves as citizens of another world, they even prayed for their persecutors.

36Tertullian. De idolatria. Chapter 17
http://www.tertullian.org/anf/anf03/anf03-07.htm
(accessed 04/09/12)

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